Take this Am I Tight Or Loose Quiz to find out. We update the quiz regularly and it’s the most accurate among the other quizzes.
Social scientists have long disagreed over what ultimately motivates human behavior. Do ideas, symbols, and beliefs influence how people act? Or are the wellsprings of action and the drivers of history less ethereal: money, fear, lust for power, circumstance, and opportunity, with culture as a byproduct?
Scholars from the first side are culturalists, while those from the second are materialists. And their disagreement is not merely academic. It erupts into contentious policy debates over crime, poverty, immigration, economic development, and everything in between.
In her book “Rule Makers, Rule Breakers,” psychologist Michele Gelfand takes the culturalists’ perspective. “Culture is a stubborn riddle of our existence,” she adds, “and one of the last unexplored frontiers.” Her goal isn’t to walk readers through all of the complex elements that make up a culture, but to draw attention to one aspect she believes has been overlooked: the social norms — or the often informal rules of conduct, the dos and don’ts, the sources of tsking and raised eyebrows — that emerge whenever people gather.
Am I Tight Or Loose Quiz
According to Gelfand, cultures can be classified as “tight” or “loose” based on the strictness of their regulations. “Tight cultures have strong social standards and limited tolerance for deviation,” she observes, “while loose cultures have weak social norms and are more permissive.” Consider the difference between a church gathering for buttoned-up middle-aged churchgoers and a Bushwick, Brooklyn, party for 20-somethings. Also, you must try to play this Am I Tight Or Loose Quiz.
Gelfand’s argument is that mapping the tightness or looseness of diverse groups’ cultures – nations, regions, socioeconomic classes, businesses, and friendship circles — can help explain things that are otherwise confusing. After exploring the dynamics of social norms, she broadens her analysis to include authoritarianism, populism, terrorism, inequality, political division, the corporate sector, and even individual happiness.
Consider authoritarianism: Why did Egyptians vote decisively for Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in the country’s 2014 presidential election, opting to be led by an autocrat just a few years after the Arab Spring’s democratic hopefulness?
Gelfand contends that no matter what a country’s baseline degree of constraint is (Egypt’s religious conservatism would place it near the tight end of the spectrum), it may alter in reaction to changing conditions. Tightening is caused by perceived dangers, such as social instability. She claims that it was the same in Egypt. The overthrow of Hosni Mubarak and the ensuing political instability threw Egypt’s society into disarray, leaving voters yearning for a strongman who could reassert power and restore order.
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Although Gelfand might come across as a bit pushy when it comes to her major idea, she’s an interesting writer with a wide intellectual range. She shines brightest when delving into evolutionary anthropology to understand long-term patterns of cultural tightness and looseness. Humans have evolved to be unusually sensitive to standards, which gives them a significant evolutionary benefit in terms of enabling collaboration. Gelfand’s data imply that in the face of ecological problems, high population density, and threats from other groups, tighter cultures tend to evolve. This is fascinating information.
The problem is that regardless of the framework she offers for how standards emerged in the first place, Gelfand frequently dismisses materialist explanations for the many events she examines. Yes, would-be dictators can and do exploit people’s anxieties of instability and change. But another crucial factor in explaining why Sisi, Egypt’s former defense minister, received 96 percent of the vote is that the military, determined to maintain its grip on the country and keep billions of dollars in foreign aid flowing, banned the main opposition, the Muslim Brotherhood, after deposing Mohamed Morsi, the inept but democratically elected Islamist president who succeeded Mubarak.
Other examples are more egregious, such as when Gelfand blames low upward mobility in the United States on the apparently restrictive culture of the working class, which is incapable of the flexibility required to find a place in the new economy. She writes as if the wealthy’s hoarding of resources and opportunity isn’t a major part of the story.
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